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There have been disruptions in supplies through conflict, and poor governance has worsened the situation. It is not LPG that is scarce but <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/business/india-business/middle-east-conflict-pushes-india-to-rethink-lpg-imports-as-omcs-continued-to-absorb-price-shocks/articleshow/131872658.cms">planning</a>, affordability and belief in the state. The energy crisis begins at home, as testified by history. It&#39;s always an outside impact. It could be the oil shock in <a href="https://www.energypolicy.columbia.edu/publications/the-1973-oil-crisis-three-crises-in-one-and-the-lessons-for-today/">1973</a>, or it could be the tensions in West Asia today, but it is always&nbsp; a Global conflict that reveals a home weakness. They even bang on the kitchen door- sometimes it is a late gas supply, sometimes a <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/lpg-price-hike-government-says-rates-in-india-among-worlds-lowest-despite-46-jump-in-global-benchmark/article71072406.ece">hiked bill</a>, sometimes it is the concern of what one will eat tomorrow.

The LPG crisis that is currently occurring gives us the true picture. It is easy to fault the war in the West Asian region, the Strait of Hormuz disturbance or the instability of the world energy market. All that is correct. But this is the whole truth here. What we do not want to see is that the crisis has just been revealed by the war. The issue on the ground is back home, in a policy framework that is strong in regular circumstances and weak in bad ones.

It is not as if the dependence of <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/one-narrow-strait-millions-of-cylinders-india-s-lpg-crisis">India</a> on imported LPG was something new. Any nation that imports almost all the cooking gas that it uses must have been placed in a position to prepare for disruptions and not come up with a system that begins to tremble with the smallest change in the world order. But, that was just what had happened. The current tension has merely highlighted the fact that the LPG policy in the country has been more of a sudden growth than a sustainable progress.

It is at this point that the model fails. The LPG crisis is largely referred to as a shortage.&nbsp; The term is too simple and straightforward. In fact, it is not a product, not merely a lack of supply, that India, as a nation, is lacking but rather a lack of preparation. The <a href="https://www.downtoearth.org.in/energy/in-protecting-politically-sensitive-household-consumers-from-lpg-shock-economically-vulnerable-groups-being-exposed-to-war-driven-price-surge-experts">poorest</a> families are the first to be bitten when supplies are reduced, and the prices rise. A refill to a household that already spent its monthly cash is not a routine purchase. When it becomes not so affordable, trust also decreases. And where there is a decrease in trust, panic, anxiety, and fear soon follow.

That is why the argument of misreporting does not hold that well. Yes, media coverage may enhance fear. Small-scale events can appear to be a crisis that has entered the country as a whole due to sensationalist headlines in the news. It is easy to fault the media since it shifts the attention away on the part of governance and suggests that there is nothing wrong with the system and it is simply being overblown. An effective working system does not fail because of this sort of exaggeration. It is supposed to safeguard and reassure the people. But all is panic, followed by a reply, confidence, followed by action. This is not being proactive in governance. This is a reactive behaviour due to the fact that it is too late. The crisis can be observed to bring about delays and unequal distribution in different cities. An example is that a panic buying spurt in <a href="https://theprint.in/india/bengal-long-queues-outside-cooking-gas-agency-offices-petrol-pumps-operating-normally/2876084/">Kolkata</a> increased demand to nearly the two times normal level in recent weeks, and the cylinders were being diverted to the black market rather than making it to the consumers. In certain parts of North India, Delhi, citizens were unable to purchase gas on the spot and had to wait a considerable period of time, as some gangs were storing around <a href="https://www.newindianexpress.com/states/delhi/2026/Mar/17/over-600-cylinders-seized-from-godown-in-delhis-mundka">600+ cylinders</a> illegally. &ldquo;These are not isolated disruptions&mdash;they are clear signs of a system under strain.&rdquo;

Thus, this should not be regarded as something that just occurred in a war and will therefore pass. It should be regarded as a problem in policy terms. The crisis shows how an outside shock is translated into distress within the home when internal systems are weak. and how there is always a gap between announcing and actually carrying out reform. It is not the actual shortage of LPG that is present at that time, but that of the state. A government is unable to cushion its economy against all shocks. But it can help that shock from becoming a crisis. That is the ultimate trial of the government. And according to that test, we must say that the LPG system of the country has failed under this situation.

The LPG Crisis in India 

<a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/359199408_AN_OVERVIEW_OF_THE_ARTS_AS_A_LANGUAGE_OF_COMMUNICATION_EXPRESSION_AND_EXPERIENCE_A_DISCOURSE">Art</a> has always been an important medium of connection between people which transcends time, language and cultural barriers. It has always been a powerful tool of communication across ages and has always been intertwined or a byproduct of the politics at which time it was created.

Early evidence as ancient as the Mesopotamia or Egyptian civilisations show that the kings or the ruling class commissioned their <a href="https://www.respectegypttours.com/blog/ancient-egyptian-god-statues">statues</a> and effigies to be made and displayed for the people to see every day and remember who was in power. Through sculptures, paintings and architecture, rules and regimes have always communicated their<a href="https://americascollection.com/education/art-and-politics-visual-expressions-of-power/?srsltid=AfmBOooVHbcnJNDCSX9BVl4isNofHEZRS-RL_mkUnB2Nx3M2J0ML6Q9T"> ideologies</a>, asserted their dominance and sought to influence public perception. While the mediums and styles have evolved, the underlying purpose of using art as a tool for political propaganda remains a constant thread through history.

Art in itself has never been apolitical and cannot be seen devoid of the context. Art and artists are influenced by the surroundings they exist in. Examples of this can be seen in the art produced in colonies by colonisers like the paintings made by <a href="https://www.moma.org/artists/2098-paul-gauguin">Paul Gauguin</a>. A French painter who moved to Tahiti, at the time part of the French Polynesian islands to paint primitive subjects. His paintings feature Tahitian women and landscape. Another example of this is the oleographs and paintings of<a href="https://www.soas.ac.uk/about/blogs/painting-through-colonial-lens-how-british-prints-shaped-how-southern-india-was"> Indians royals</a> painted during the colonial rule where they were painted in their traditional attire and jewellery with medals pinned onto their chest bestowed onto them by the British Raj. These portraits were then circulated and ridiculed by the press in Britain calling the Indian rulers feminized for this extravagant fashion. Their perceived femininity was stated as one of the reasons for the British to assert their rule upon them. Times and mediums changed, the Nazis used propaganda films, the Americans used patriotic films such as Marvel&#39;s Avengers and <a href="https://lccollege.org/2024/05/positive-influence-of-captain-america-on-american-society-as-propaganda-during-world-war-ii-1941-1945/">Captain America</a> in times of war to influence the masses. In one case movies were used to incite hatred towards a community and another to increase trust in a country&#39;s army and its values. But both despite their purposes had politics in them.

There are many instances of art being used by people in power to further their agenda but it has also been a medium for the oppressed and voiceless to express their opinions especially during suffragette and Black Lives Matter movements (BLM). Graffiti is one such medium which has been used by the <a href="https://www.artsy.net/article/artsy-editorial-graffiti-artists-propelling-vision-black-lives-matter-movement">BLM movement</a> to occupy spaces and imaginations of people.<a href="https://www.melodigging.com/genre/chutney"> Chutney music </a>an Indo-Caribbean genre of music originating from Trinidad and Tobago which is a fusion of Bhojpuri folk music and Caribbean music honours the heritage of the people who are descendants from indentured labourers. Art gives voice to the marginalized and brings them to the spotlight. In the villages of Bihar another artform thrives, the<a href="https://www.memeraki.com/blogs/posts/sujani-the-quiet-archive-of-bihar-s-women?srsltid=AfmBOoosuPiojz7P5yw6IjSxIrfMLPqn-7CmonA_RWs0pQVNYzyRKl9n"> art of Sujni</a> made by the women of the village with old cloths and sarees put together and fine needlework which illustrates stories of harvest and mean leaving for distant places to earn. The stories woven by their thread showcase the reality and struggles of their everyday life.

Subconsciously, art and the artist get influenced by the <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/364138568_On_the_problem_of_interaction_between_art_and_politics_in_the_context_of_contemporary_culture">socio-political</a> climate they exist in lent politics should deliberately not intervene in creative processes to change the artistic outcome. The interference in the free flow of ideas distorts the final product. In conclusion, art&#39;s indelible link to politics spanning elite propaganda from ancient kings to colonial caricatures and wartime films, as well as the subversive voices of the marginalized through graffiti, chutney music, and Sujni embroidery reveals its dual role as both mirror and hammer of society. This interplay underscores that no creation exists in isolation; it is shaped by, and shapes, the socio-political currents around it. Rather than seeking an impossible apolitical purity, we must champion unfettered artistic freedom, allowing art to bridge divides, amplify the silenced, and propel meaningful.

Politicisation of Art Through the Ages

Art is a form of expression. Art does not exist in a vacuum. When the law is quiet, society is in dismay, and hope is shattered, art emerges as a voice of freedom, a mirror to history, and, as rightly said, the voice of the voiceless. If <a href="https://www.annefrank.org/en/anne-frank/who-was-anne-frank/?gad_source=1&amp;gad_campaignid=21527316865&amp;gbraid=0AAAAADkxeltHhZuH2J_kzyr5vreS76vOe&amp;gclid=CjwKCAjwxITRBhBYEiwA6mZm7QfYQBZ6J3anh_MCgvmblUTrlWLZgQn6qIO2TqlJTBOqXxxCHvcxnhoCjlMQAvD_BwE">Anne Frank</a> hadn&rsquo;t written her diary, a form of art, the world would never have understood life in hiding during the Holocaust. Art has been the expression of fear, freedom, and oppression since the dawn of civilization. The murals in the caves told the story of emotions, experiences, and innovation, which continued till today. The artists all over the world have used art to document oppression, show resistance, and challenge the authorities.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Art is also used as <a href="https://johncanningco.com/importance-of-patronage-in-the-arts/">patronage</a>. Kings commissioned poets, painters, and sculpture makers to reinforce their authority. The art was used as a medium to legitimize the ruler. Today also, the leaders use the expression of aesthetics to reach the wider audience. In later ages art helped the religious moment to gain importance, and the political class tagged along the religion to be a part of art as history. The art has changed forms, from canvas to canvas, yet the hold over the audience remains strong.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Alongside this, there always existed a side that told the truth. Art was always based on the intentions of the artist. It has shaped the political standing in the world. Literature is one such form of art that recorded inequalities, voices of the illiterate, and worked as a critic with aesthetics. <a href="https://www.forwardpress.in/2020/06/kabir-fearless-sociologist-who-challenged-conventions/">Kabirdas</a> is one such example that wrote political satires, questioned caste divisions and orthodox practices, and provoked thoughts for a spiritual egalitarian society. Literature, perhaps, is one of the most enduring forms of politics. For example, George Orwell, in his famous writings, &quot;1984&quot; and &quot;Animal Farm,&quot; reflected his views on <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/357311809_Totalitarianism_in_George_Orwell's_Animal_Farm">totalitarianism</a>, politics, and the use of propaganda. Politics and art are intrinsically fused. Even during the Renaissance, art was used as a medium to mobilize, unite people, and document the atrocities towards people. The <a href="https://www.thecollector.com/french-revolution-in-5-iconic-paintings/">French Revolution</a> is one of the examples where the painting was seen as a sentiment of the nation. There was the use of allegory, as seen in one of the paintings &quot;Liberty Leading the People,&quot; where a woman, Marianne, is seen leading the masses into the fray, symbolizing freedom and politics. The Portrait of <a href="https://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/id/eprint/10199832/1/Kumar_Tagore%20and%20Bengal%20School_Smarthistory_Feb%202024.pdf">Bharatmata</a> by Abindranath Tagore was used to awaken the nationalist conscience of people and helped the people to imagine the nation as a serene mother figure, mobilizing the anti-colonial sentiments.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Visual art has been a form of mirror to turmoil in nations. Paintings often showcased the hard realities of the world in subtle strokes. The Third of May by <a href="https://smarthistory.org/goya-third-of-may-1808/">Francisco Goya</a> captures the horror of the war and reflection of politics of the time. Architectural designs, too, are a reflection of politics. For example, the <a href="https://polsci.institute/international-relations-world-history/berlin-wall-cold-war-tensions/#google_vignette">Berlin Wall</a> was a reflection of politics during the Cold War. When it was destroyed in 1989, it was turned into a canvas for artists, reflecting hope, freedom, and politics. Similarly, the India Gate is a reflection of politics, reminding people of the sacrifices that were made during the war.&nbsp;

In the 20th century, movements like the <a href="https://nmaahc.si.edu/explore/stories/new-african-american-identity-harlem-renaissance">Harlem Renaissance</a> in the United States showcased how art can become a carrier for marginalized communities to reclaim identity and stand against systemic racism. Through literature, music, and visual art, Black artists asserted their cultural pride and challenged racist narratives that had long existed. Even in modern times, art continues to report and commentate on the conflict and inequality. Whether it is through protest art, digital art, or performance art, art continues to engage with issues such as war, climate change, gender issues, and government violence. Though in modern times, the claws of the political class have dug through several artists to speak out against the government, the desire for expression never fades. The watch may have intensified, but the movement of resistance has also intensified. <a href="https://saspublishers.com/media/articles/CCIJHSS_86_85-90.pdf">Social media</a> has shown the potential of art in mobilizing the people. The medium may have changed, but the intent has remained the same.&nbsp;

Most importantly, the approach of art lies not in what it represents but in how it makes people feel. The painting of The Third of May 1808 may make people feel empathy Spanish people; the poetry of Kabir may make people think of caste inequalities ; the novels of George Orwell&nbsp;

may still make people feel uneasy. Art goes beyond the confines of political discussions by using the appeal of emotion and imagination, yet are intrinsically fused.&nbsp;

Ink, Clay and Resistance

As I grew up in Kerala, I never knew how fascinating Kerala politics was to others until I shifted to Hyderabad. As I work in the public policy academic arena, I have heard a lot of discussions on health sector, literacy, party ideologies and in all these conversations, the speakers often referred to the Kerala model. The significance of the Kerala model was something I failed to observe earlier, but happy that I could notice it now. It also made me realize the importance of being politically aware.

The fascination with Kerala politics extends beyond just election results. It is the everyday political engagement and accountability embedded in its culture. People across generations actively engage in political discussions, where they question governments, analyze policies and shape their opinions. This culture of constant political engagement in tea shops, buses, colleges, workplaces and homes explains why governments in Kerala face unusually high levels of public scrutiny. Once governments are elected, they are continuously evaluated. This voter behaviour has been followed for many years.&nbsp;

Kerala has long been known for alternating power between the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the United Democratic Front (UDF) as Keralites ensure that the government&rsquo;s power is limited to a five-year term with two exceptions. The UDF&rsquo;s victory in the 2026 election, where <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Axis_My_India#:~:text=Axis%20My%20India%20received%20significant,considered%20among%20the%20most%20accurate.">Axis My India</a>&rsquo;s predictions underestimated the scale of their victory, reflected a significant shift in public sentiment. The LDF, which had made history by retaining power in 2021, saw a dramatic fall from <a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/67/2021_Kerala_election_result.svg">99 seats</a> to 35. Thus, this election result reiterates that a dissatisfied electorate is the outcome of poor governance and just the day of marking ink on the index finger is enough to&nbsp; change power.

When the LDF won and <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/infographics/2026-04-29/kerala-assembly-elections-results-2026/index.html?year=2021">returned to power in 2021</a>, it was widely attributed to its handling of the Covid-19 crisis, particularly under the leadership of then Health Minister <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._K._Shailaja">K.K. Shailaja</a>. Yet, the same electorate that rewarded performance also questioned the decision of her removal from the cabinet. The electorate remained attentive to controversies and governance issues that followed. Therefore, political loyalty in Kerala is not fixed. Once the government earns it, it is re-evaluated. This shift shows how public support can change if the expectations are not met. The broader political landscape reinforces this pattern.&nbsp;

The BJP is also cautiously strengthening its presence in Kerala politics. It created history by winning its first ever parliamentary seat from Thrissur in the 2024 Lok Sabha election. This was followed by another breakthrough in the 2025 Local Body election, where they <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/kerala/kerala-local-body-polls-2025-results-live-updates/article70391419.ece">gained control</a> of the Thiruvanathapuram Corporation, which was the LDF dominant area for the past 4 decades. And now in this Legislative Assembly election, the BJP won 3 seats.

What makes this culture even more striking is how early it takes shape. During my college days, campus politics was very visible and it remains so. Student organizations such as SFI, associated with the LDF ideology and KSU, aligned with the UDF, actively shaped political discussions on campus. My college was known as a &ldquo;Chenkota&rdquo;, a term used for campuses that consistently elect SFI representatives, symbolizing a &ldquo;red fort.&rdquo;

As an NCC cadet, we were not allowed to actively participate in student politics, but we had the duty of ensuring that the vote counting remained fair. Still, I witnessed how seriously students debated issues, defended ideologies and spoke with political conviction.&nbsp;

Kerala voters are known for their willingness to change power. Governments are rarely allowed to settle into complacency. No party in Kerala is free from criticism or controversies. Public memory remains sharp and vigilant. The past controversies continue to shape the electorate&#39;s present choices. While Kerala made history by democratically electing a communist-led government for the first time in Asia in 1957, it differed from that of Bengal and Tripura, which witnessed long uninterrupted Left governments. Instead, it has sustained a competitive political environment where power is regularly contested and redefined. The rivalry between the LDF and UDF is not just a political contest. It is a mechanism of accountability. This keeps governments responsive and voters engaged, ultimately benefiting the latter.&nbsp;

Thus this unique culture in Kerala politics is so compelling to outsiders. Kerala politics is about a society that treats politics as a daily practice, not a periodic obligation. The real meaning of democracy can often be seen here, where governments can genuinely change based on the will of the people.

Why Kerala Politics Fascinates Many?

It seems that on the battlefield that the internet is, India &lsquo;lost&rsquo; the &lsquo;war&rsquo;. The Indian approach towards strategic communication needs to change and it needs to change now.&nbsp;

Warfare has changed, the battlefield has shifted to your pockets. <a href="https://prologue.blogs.archives.gov/2018/01/25/vietnam-the-first-television-war/">Vietnam War</a> (1955&ndash;1975) is widely recognised as the first televised war where footage from the war reached the living room of ordinary Americans overnight, in the 21st century it reaches in your pocket within seconds. If the 20th century brought the wars to living rooms in the form of official news via broadcasts, the 21st century has transformed even washrooms into war rooms with platforms such as X and Instagram providing a constant barrage of unverified &lsquo;news&rsquo; masquerading as official broadcast. Although some say that &lsquo;silence is best&rsquo; in diplomatic circles, in this era of deepfakes and AI (Web 3.0), silence is no longer a shield - it&rsquo;s a target. Strategic communication needs to move from the fringes of military doctrine to the forefront.&nbsp;

In the initial few hours post the commencement of Operation Sindoor on 7th of May, the internet was filled with <a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2150213&amp;reg=3&amp;lang=2">misinformation</a> by (Pakistan) sponsored fake accounts. By 10th of May, these fake accounts had convinced the world that India had lost the war with 6 of India&rsquo;s jets downed by the Pakistani&rsquo;s with even the Pakistani PM amplifying these lies. The truth was that India achieved complete air dominance due superior military doctrines and equipment as later verified by major military analysts. We managed to inflict significant damage to various Pakistani military establishments. But it seems that on the battlefield that the internet is, India &lsquo;lost&rsquo; the &lsquo;war&rsquo;. Increasingly, a trend has emerged where asymmetry in military and economic power is being countered through increasing investments in enhancing the capabilities of controlling the &lsquo;narrative&rsquo;. Domestically it earns them stability, internationally it earns them praise and militarily it wins them a virtual war for cents on the dollar.&nbsp;

A comparative analysis conducted by the OSINT team of India Today reveals the pitfalls in India&rsquo;s approach towards strategic communication. USA&rsquo;s Operation Epic Fury provides us with a stark contrast to Operation Sindoor. Over the initial five days of the conflicts, the communication output from the USA significantly overshadowed India&#39;s. The USA released 18 press releases and 38 social media posts, along with hosting 11 press conferences and participating in 9 interviews. In contrast, India&#39;s public response comprised 9 press releases, 18 social media posts, and 8 press conferences, notably holding no interviews. The frequency of official briefings (including all official communications) averaged 15.2 for the USA with India lagging behind at 6.8. The result is worrying - while a majority of the international and national audience is still pondering over the details of Operation Sindoor, the Americans have already initiated an inquiry into what kind of lapses in their doctrine led to a school with 300 children being targeted. The Iranians have not been able to claim victory and the audience

knows well to not rely on unofficial sources as the frequency of official sources provides them with sufficient information.&nbsp;

The Indian approach towards strategic communication needs to change and it needs to change now. The source of information on the American operation ranges from their President, Vice President, Secretary of State, Secretary of War to the CENTCOM. They have been upfront, frank and direct in their approach. In the age of permanent crises, the tri-services along with all relevant stakeholders such as the MEA, the PMO, the NSA need to devise a communication strategy with clear goals. The primary source for information relating to warfare and achieving military objectives should be the tri-services. The loss of personnel and machines, if any, should also be communicated clearly. The external manifestations or the information related to the management of international relations with other countries as well as handholding of the foreign press should be done by the MEA. The PMO should constantly keep the country in the loop catering to both national and international audiences. His strong voice and authority as the leader of all Indians should act as the voice of political stability and hope in the treacherous sea of misinformation. Indians need our PM&rsquo;s Mann Ki Baat during such tumultuous times the most - direct and unfiltered.

Mann Ki Baat by Enemies of the State: Strategic Communication Warfare

India&rsquo;s healthcare system faces deep structural issues and a&nbsp; plethora of imbalances. Home to over 1.4 billion people, India also represents one of the world&rsquo;s largest and most diverse patient populations. Yet , the healthcare system continues to struggle with critical shortages-insufficient medical professionals, limited financial resources, and persistent geographical barriers that restrict equitable access to healthcare, particularly across rural and underserved regions. The country operates with a doctor-patient ratio of <a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2197614&amp;reg=3&amp;lang=1">1:1811</a>, with a staggering 75% of doctors serving 25% of the urban population, while 65% of the&nbsp; Indians living in rural areas are left with severe shortages ,especially specialist access. The country spends just around&nbsp; 3.34% of its GDP on healthcare and, out-of-pocket health expenditure (OOPHE) push&nbsp;<a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC13044129/">39 million</a> Indians below the poverty line every year due to the same. India has a disproportionate share of the world&#39;s disease burden as well. Non-communicable diseases (NCDs)&nbsp; account for<a href="https://ncd.mohfw.gov.in/ncdlandingassets/aboutus.html"> 63% </a>of all deaths in the country.&nbsp;

This is not merely a crisis ; overall it reflects deeper structural challenges within the healthcare system. Given&nbsp; the context, integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI) into healthcare , may&nbsp; be one of the most powerful solutions currently available to&nbsp; address&nbsp; the systemic gaps and&nbsp; to transform healthcare.

What Is Artificial Intelligence And Why Does It Matter?

Before knowing how AI could&nbsp; transform Indian healthcare, it is worth understanding what AI&nbsp; actually is. Even though there is no commonly accepted definition for AI, at its&nbsp; very core,<a href="https://www.ibm.com/topics/artificial-intelligence">&nbsp;Artificial Intelligence</a>&nbsp;refers to the ability of machines to simulate human cognitive functions. It&nbsp; could learn from data, recognise patterns, make decisions, and generate outputs mimicking human intelligence. It is to be&nbsp; noted that it is not&nbsp; a single technology but a family of approaches, each suited to different kinds of problems.

Understanding the different&nbsp; levels at which AI operates and how people are engaged in the entire process&nbsp; could help us comprehend its applications. Assisted AI, for instance,&nbsp; acts as a tool which could&nbsp; supplement human decision-making without replacing them : a radiologist still examines the scan, but&nbsp; AI could identify&nbsp; abnormalities and rank urgent situations, reducing&nbsp; the possibility of oversight. The majority of the clinical AI currently is categorised under this. Augmented AI goes one step further ,makes recommendations that a doctor under time constraints might not have made on their own by actively working with them in real time and synthesising patient history, test results, and symptom data etc. Automated AI could &nbsp;handle defined tasks end-to-end with minimal human intervention , such as an AI system that screens a chest X-ray for TB and&nbsp; could&nbsp; directly trigger&nbsp; a follow-up, without waiting for a doctor to initiate the next step. Lastly ,&nbsp;Autonomous AI&nbsp;represents the systems capable of independent clinical decision-making across&nbsp; various complex, variable scenarios. This still&nbsp; remains aspirational in healthcare today, and for good reason ,the stakes of unchecked autonomy in a clinical setting are also extraordinarily high.

From Pilots to Scaling: India&#39;s Indigenous AI Ecosystem

India is not merely a consumer of global AI health tools&nbsp; but it&nbsp; is also an emerging architect. It has built a strong indigenous ecosystem , proving that solutions can be built for Indian patients, by Indian companies.&nbsp;<a href="http://qure.ai">Qure.ai,</a> founded in 2016, has analysed over 10 million chest X-rays for TB and lung diseases across 1,500+ hospitals in 70+ countries, trained specifically on India-specific disease patterns.&nbsp;<a href="https://www.niramai.com/">Niramai</a>&nbsp;uses thermal imaging and AI to detect early-stage breast cancer without radiation or physical contact -at a cost 10x lower than conventional screening - addressing India&#39;s massive early-detection gap where 70% of cases are currently caught at late stage.&nbsp;<a href="https://tricog.com/">Tricog Health</a>&nbsp;has interpreted over 3 million ECGs in real time, connecting rural clinics to cardiologists within minutes and reportedly saving 10,000+ lives through early detection of heart attacks.&nbsp;<a href="https://sigtuple.com/">SigTuple</a>, through its Manthaan platform, automates blood smear and urine analysis in over 200 labs, reducing diagnostic turnaround from hours to minutes in Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities - enabling decentralised pathology without specialist cytologists. These companies are not pilots- they are operating at scale, demonstrating that AI can function as a genuine leveller between India&#39;s urban frontier and rural lagging edge.

Bias, Privacy, and other issues

There are a number of issues that require careful consideration when using AI at scale, especially in high-stake domains like healthcare. One of the most pressing issues is <a href="https://www.ibm.com/think/topics/algorithmic-bias">algorithmic bias</a>, whereby AI systems trained on non-representative data generate outputs that are systematically skewed and disadvantage the same groups they are intended to assist. Since health data is one of the most sensitive types of personal information ,its improper use can have serious negative effects on both individuals and society as a whole. Data privacy is equally to be considered . When AI-assisted judgements go wrong, accountability and culpability become unclear; it is rarely evident who is responsible-the developer, the deploying institution, or the clinician. Explainability and transparency are important because opaque AI systems that are unable to defend their results undermine public and clinical confidence. Lastly, as market forces alone tend to deploy AI where profits are highest rather than where need is greatest, equality of access must be actively considered. These are real governance issues that every nation implementing health AI must deal with; they are not mere worries.

&nbsp;

The Governance Imperative: Progress till now

India has already begun building its AI health governance architecture. The&nbsp;<a href="https://indiaai.gov.in/">IndiaAI Mission (2024)</a>&nbsp; has allocated &nbsp; ?10,371 crore to AI compute, datasets, and health AI startups. In 2026, the government launched&nbsp;SAHI&nbsp;(Strategy for Artificial Intelligence in Health in India) and&nbsp;BODH&nbsp;(Benchmarking Open Data Platform for Health AI),making it&nbsp; the first low-and-middle-income country(LMIC) with a comprehensive national health AI governance strategy, as recognised by&nbsp;<a href="https://www.who.int/southeastasia">WHO SEARO</a>. SAHI rests on five pillars: governance and evidence-based validation; safe and ethical data infrastructure; workforce readiness; ethical oversight and transparency; and equity-centred deployment.

The Road Ahead:&nbsp;

India&#39;s healthcare crisis is real, structural, and urgent. The question is not&nbsp; about whether AI will transform Indian healthcare (the evidence shows it already is!), but about &nbsp; whether that transformation would&nbsp; be equitable, accountable, and governed solely for the public&#39;s welfare. India must now move from strategy to statute, from pilots to procurement mandates, and from aspirational equity language to measurable, enforceable benchmarks.

Healing The Billion: AI For The Future of India's Healthcare

The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, otherwise known as the <a href="https://www.indiacode.nic.in/bitstream/123456789/2104/1/A2013-14.pdf">POSH Act</a>, was enacted in 2013. This has been India&rsquo;s first piece of legislation on sexual harassment at the workplace. The POSH Act defines sexual harassment and directs employers to work towards preventing and redressing sexual harassment at the workplace. Redressal of complaints of sexual harassment is through the establishment of committees, termed Internal Committees (ICs). The Act also constitutes Local Committees (LCs), which are district-level committees which may be approached by women in the unorganised sector or by women whose employers do not have an IC.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

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The last few years have seen various private member bills introduced in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, that seek to amend various parts of the POSH Act. These bills highlight important issues with the Act in its current form, however the changes are suggested could benefit from a deeper and more holistic engagement with the realities of and research on sexual harassment.&nbsp;&nbsp;

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The POSH Act permits only women to file complaints of sexual harassment. This gender-specificity of complainants was upheld by the Supreme Court in <a href="https://indiankanoon.org/doc/27507654/">Binu Tamta</a> &amp; Anr. vs. High Court of Delhi &amp; Ors in 2023. This means that men and transgender persons may not make complaints under the Act. Two of the proposed amendments (those introduced by Shri Lavu Sri Krishna Devarayulu and Shri Md. Nadimul Haque) addresses this point by extending the ability to make complaints from &lsquo;women&rsquo; to &lsquo;persons&rsquo;. The latter bill also requires that if the complainant is of a gender other than woman, the IC should include a representative of the same gender. This would allow men and transpersons to make complaints of sexual harassment within their workplaces. While this is a significant step - it is important for anyone facing sexual violence to have recourse in the law - it does not appear to have taken into consideration the complexities of the question of the gender neutrality of laws on sexual violence. <a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2025/4/notes/gender-neutrality-sexual-harassment-laws-india.html">Researchers</a> have raised the concern of men filing cases of harassment against women who have made complaints against them. These issues need to be addressed in any gender-neutral law on sexual harassment.&nbsp;

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The bills introduced by Dr. Fauzia Khan and <a href="https://sansad.in/getFile/BillsTexts/RSBillTexts/Asintroduced/12_sexual%20harrasment_sasmit-E29202471145PM.pdf?source=legislation#:~:text=This%20Bill%20intends%20to%20remedy,SASMIT%20PATRA">Dr. Sasmit Patra</a> both seek to amend the time available to make complaints. The POSH Act allows for complaints to be made within three months of an incident, extendable to six months if the IC/LC finds a valid reason for the delay. The bill introduced by <a href="https://medicaldialogues.in/news/health/bill-for-protection-of-doctors-introduced-in-rajya-sabha-check-out-key-points-160433#:~:text=New%20Delhi:%20Amid%20the%20doctors,of%20healthcare%20workers%20in%20India.">Dr. Khan</a> states that the complaint should be made &ldquo;within a reasonable period of time with regard to the facts and circumstances surrounding the making of such a complaint.&rdquo; This replaces a specific time limit with a more imprecise formulation. It is unclear who is to determine what constitutes a reasonable period, and on what grounds that determination is to be made. The bill introduced by <a href="https://sansad.in/getFile/BillsTexts/RSBillTexts/Asintroduced/12_sexual%20harrasment_sasmit-E29202471145PM.pdf?source=legislation#:~:text=This%20Bill%20intends%20to%20remedy,making%20the%20complaint%20in%20writing:">Dr. Patra</a>, on the other hand, extends the period from three months to one year, on grounds that &ldquo;in cases involving sexual harassment, women may be so traumatised as to render filing of the complaint impossible until such time they have recouped their strength.&rdquo; This additional time is valuable. In many cases of harassment, women need time to both come to terms with the incident and decide to pursue a complaint. The latter decision is not made lightly, and additional time might reduce the pressure to file a complaint before one feels mentally prepared to do so.

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Dr. Khan&rsquo;s draft makes another interesting change, this time to section 14 of the Act, which pertains to false or malicious complaints. Under the Act, if false complaints are found to have been filed or false evidence provided, the IC/LC may recommend to the concerned institution that action be taken against the complainant. The draft replaces the word &lsquo;recommend&rsquo; with the word &lsquo;direct.&rsquo; This language suggests that the decisions of the IC/LC would be binding on the institution. This is an interesting change to make, especially since the recommendations of the committee in the cases where complaints are upheld, are not binding on institutions; the amendment too does not make such recommendations binding. This raises a question &ndash; if the decisions of the committee are to be binding upon institutions in the event of malicious complaints, surely they should be binding also in all complaints that are upheld. Introducing this balance would reinforce the idea that sexual harassment is taken seriously by committees and institutions alike.

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One concern is that the amendments to the POSH Act are being introduced in a situation where there is <a href="https://ceda.ashoka.edu.in/a-decade-of-the-posh-act-what-the-data-tells-us-about-how-india-inc-has-fared/#toc-6">limited</a> <a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2020/20/review-womens-studies/examining-local-committees-under-sexual-harassment.html">data </a>on the implementation of the Act. Research has pointed out the lack of data around the numbers of and nature of complaints made, their resolution, whether the committees&rsquo; recommendations were acted upon by employers, and so on. There is also limited data on sexual harassment itself, for example on same-sex harassment, or on cases of sexual harassment that where complaints are not filed. Perhaps the concerned authorities could also consider broadening the scope of the details that companies must report (for example, the numbers of cases resolved through inquiries and through conciliation), and on making more data available in the public domain (for example, it is currently difficult to find the annual reports of Local Committees). This would allow for better research on the issue, and more effective implementation of the Act.&nbsp;

Reflections on Proposed Amendments to the POSH Act

With only 2 Olympic golds since 2000, India should first invest and diversify in its own sports rather than rushed bids of global events for the sake of political clout.&nbsp;

The appeal of the five rings over Ahmedabad&rsquo;s skyline can be intoxicating. With the tag of the&nbsp; &ldquo;fastest growing economy of the world&rdquo; already in its bag, India&rsquo;s soft power shall naturally grow by hosting the Olympics. However, the only thing that stubbornly refuses to grow at a quick pace is India&rsquo;s sports budget, with a mere 4479.88 crores allotted in FY 2026-27. In contrast, the nation does not mind spending more than 41,000 crores for a mere seventeen-day event. This concerning&nbsp; trend of prioritizing the glamour of global attention over the grit required for building a real world-class sporting ecosystem hurts India&rsquo;s athletes the most.&nbsp;

Since the turn of the millennium, India&rsquo;s Olympic ledger has only seen two individual gold medals added to the tally &ndash; Abhinav Bindra (2008) and Neeraj Chopra (2021). For a nation of 1.4 billion people, it is not a statistical anomaly but a systematic failure. Reports from 2021 have shown that 87% sports sponsorships in India remain locked within the boundaries of a cricket pitch. Other sports which could fetch us medals remain poorly funded. See, for instance, the state of hockey today. A sport responsible for the nation&rsquo;s 8 out of 10 gold medals, since the Olympics&rsquo; inception,&nbsp; struggles to find support and sponsors. It is the state government of Odisha which had to step in and keep hockey afloat to keep India&rsquo;s legacy intact. Yet, Odisha is not going to receive any fruits of appreciation due to the regional biases of the leadership in Delhi.&nbsp;

To please the former Gujarat Chief Minister and now Prime Minister, the Indian Olympic&nbsp; Association (IOA) has submitted a hasty and disappointing bid for hosting the 2036 Olympics.&nbsp; The only good call made in the IOA&rsquo;s letter of intent was to not choose the Indian capital, New&nbsp; Delhi. The toxic atmosphere of Delhi&rsquo;s venues has already driven global athletes to opt for $5,000 fines rather than participate in once-prestigious tournaments like the India Open. The&nbsp; proposal limits potential venues majorly to cities concentrated in the BJP-ruled states of Gujarat&nbsp; and Maharashtra. Definitely, there must be something special in the air around there.&nbsp;

Furthermore, such a proposal risks repeating former corruption scandals similar to the 2010 experience with Delhi&rsquo;s Commonwealth Games. Flashy stadiums would be built but Indian&nbsp; athletes would not be allowed to train there. Budgets would be overshot and money would fill the coffers of contractors. The harsh reality is that only 10.4% of the nation&rsquo;s sports facilities across 334 districts meet international standards of Olympics. If the venues are limited to only certain&nbsp; regions, then aspiring youth across the other states of the nation shall suffer.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Albeit poor, an attempt was made in December 2025 for making a National Sports Policy. Now,&nbsp; India must ensure that it is an indiscriminatory one. The government&rsquo;s flagship Target Olympic &nbsp;Podium Scheme (TOPS) provides elite facilities to those who already succeeded, while fresh talent of the grassroots remains underfunded. A new policy should be devoid of any political biases to be&nbsp; able to gain yields from its rich demographic dividend. The Indian public must learn how to celebrate and value a gold in a 100 m sprint as much as a century at Lord&rsquo;s.&nbsp;

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The political leadership must reward states encouraging sports, like Odisha, Manipur and Haryana, through tourism benefits. This can be simply achieved by opting them as host venues for future international sports events. Spending crores of rupees on stadiums concentrated in the Prime Minister&rsquo;s favorite states are a waste of the taxpayer&rsquo;s money.&nbsp;

Additionally, even before hosting such events, a genuine effort needs to be made to exponentially&nbsp; increase and meaningfully utilise the sports budget. The same capital could fund thousands of&nbsp; sports centers across all the 28 Indian states, providing nutritional support and international&nbsp; exposure to lakhs of &ldquo;Neeraj Chopras&rdquo; in waiting. The desire to host an Olympics is not wrong, it is just premature. India must learn to win by building athletes, not arenas.

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2036 Olympics: India Needs Athletes Over Arenas

&nbsp;India and South Korea&rsquo;s OTT Strategies in 4K

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The concept of soft power, coined by Joseph Nye Jr., defines a nation&#39;s capacity to influence global affairs through cultural attraction and ideological co-option rather than military or economic coercion. In the contemporary media landscape, this form of influence has been fundamentally reshaped by Over-the-Top (OTT) platforms, which serve as direct conduits for cultural narratives into homes worldwide. The rise of South Korea&#39;s <a href="https://unctad.org/system/files/official-document/ditctsce2023d3_en.pdf">Hallyu</a>, or &quot;Korean Wave,&quot; provides a compelling case study of a nation&#39;s deliberate and successful mobilization of cultural resources for diplomatic and economic gain. A strategic national effort since the 1990s, the government-backed promotion of K-dramas, K-pop, and films has given South Korea an undeniable advantage in the realm of <a href="https://www.republicworld.com/india/pm-modi-highlights-popularity-of-k-pop-k-drama-in-india-after-meeting-south-korean-president-lee-jae-myung-in-delhi">screen diplomacy</a>. However, a comparative analysis of South Korea&#39;s assertive strategy with India&#39;s approach reveals a stark and troubling contrast. While India, a country with a rich history of cultural exports and a vast global diaspora, has immense soft power potential, its media landscape is currently struggling to maintain influence.&nbsp;

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India&#39;s uncoordinated and fragmented engagement with OTT platforms has led to a paradoxical decline in its cultural soft power, particularly as foreign content to a worldwide audience, most notably when compared with content from South Korea which has gained significant traction in the <a href="https://www.ey.com/en_in/newsroom/2025/03/india-s-m-e-sector-crosses-inr-2-point-5-trillion-in-2024-advertising-revenues-surge-by-8-point-1-percent-ficci-ey?utm_">market</a> foreign to itself. This disparity underscores a critical challenge: without a cohesive, <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/research/a-decadal-snapshot-of-india-s-soft-power-strategies-2014-2024">state-level strategy</a> to leverage its cultural significance in the digital age, India risks a profound erosion of its diplomatic value and its narrative-making power on the <a href="https://www.primuspartners.in/reports/press-play-indias-ott-story-goes-global">global stage</a>.

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The Strategic Orchestration of Cultural Capital: Korea&#39;s Ascent

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The ascent of Hallyu as a preeminent force in screen diplomacy is a direct result of its ability to cultivate deep emotional affinity among global audiences. K-dramas, in particular, have become a major sympathetic draw, not only driving millions of international visitors to South Korea for cultural tourism but also inspiring interest in the nation&#39;s lifestyle, language, and products. This phenomenon of screen-to-culture spillover translates directly into tangible economic and diplomatic gains. Moreover, strategic partnerships with global platforms like Netflix have amplified this influence. Studies indicate that <a href="https://about.netflix.com/en/news/ripple-effect-k-content-viewers-embracing-korean-culture">Netflix&#39;s</a> substantial investments in Korean content ensure its consistent placement on global &quot;Top 10&quot; lists, dramatically increasing its discoverability and audience reach. This proactive, government-backed synergy reinforces streaming platforms as a powerful soft-power apparatus.&nbsp;

In stark contrast, India&#39;s OTT growth has been largely market-driven, lacking the kind of cohesive, state-led cultural diplomacy that reinforces the impact of Indian content on a global scale. As a result, while <a href="https://www.iemmys.tv/2020-international-emmy-winners-announced-live-at-ceremony-held-from-new-york-city/?utm_.com">Indian series</a> remain strong domestically, they have yet to generate comparable levels of global affinity and cultural traction.

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The Paradox of Promise: India&rsquo;s Fading Cinematic Influence

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India&#39;s decline in global soft power on OTT platforms stands in sharp contrast to Bollywood&rsquo;s previous era of cinematic prominence. As recently as 2008, then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh explicitly highlighted Bollywood as a key instrument of diplomatic leverage. The international acclaim garnered by actors like Amitabh Bachchan&mdash;from being voted the &quot;Greatest Star of the Millennium&quot; by the BBC to receiving France&rsquo;s prestigious Legion of Honour&mdash;symbolized a unified and potent global brand. While subsequent films like Aamir Khan&#39;s <a href="https://chinafilminsider.com/dangal-sells-bollywood-feminism-china-box-office/">Dangal</a> and <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/entertainment/bollywood/box-office-collection/aamir-khan-film-secret-superstar-china-box-office-5066619/">Secret Superstar </a>achieved unprecedented breakthroughs in specific foreign markets, they represent isolated successes rather than a consistent, continuous export brand that can consistently shape global perceptions.&nbsp;

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This fragmentation is exacerbated by the challenges facing <a href="https://www.india-briefing.com/news/indias-ott-media-services-industry-rapid-growth-amid-competition-for-market-share-26375.html/">India&#39;s OTT </a>sector. A crucial problem lies in the tension between creative freedom and regulatory oversight. Since the enactment of the 2021 IT Rules for digital media, high-profile controversies, such as that surrounding the series <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/entertainment/web-series/controversies-surrounding-tandav-heres-everything-you-should-know-7163727/">Tandav</a>, have led to legal pressures and a chilling effect on creators. This environment encourages a retreat to safer, formula-driven content, inhibiting the bold, culturally specific narratives that often become a country&#39;s global &quot;<a href="https://ndl.ethernet.edu.et/bitstream/123456789/62411/1/53..pdf">calling card</a>.&quot; Consequently, while Indian platforms produce a vast volume of shows, their creative hesitation and a tendency toward hyper-local, formulaic content limit their ability to resonate with and build cultural affinity among a wider international audience.

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Forging a Path Forward: A Call for Strategic Renewal

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To revitalize its soft power in the digital age, India&rsquo;s media strategy requires a fundamental and <a href="https://diplomatist.com/indias-soft-power-in-the-digital-age-media-technologyand-the-globalknowledge-economy/">collaborative reorientation</a>. The first critical step is to acknowledge that while policy and regulation are necessary for oversight, they cannot be the sole drivers of compelling content. True global resonance is born from the ability of creators to take risks, a freedom that must be enabled and backed by the state. This requires the establishment of a state-backed creative ecosystem, where government policy actively incentivizes bold and innovative storytelling through subsidies and tax benefits, mirroring the strategic support that fueled the Korean Wave. Concurrently, a new paradigm for<a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1057/9781137498694"> creative freedom</a> must be fostered, one that protects artists from legal and political pressures, thereby liberating them to craft globally resonant narratives&mdash;including those that explore new genres like sci-fi, fantasy, and complex human dramas&mdash;that can serve as powerful &quot;calling cards&quot; for the nation. This synergy between government, platforms, and creators would enable the production of stories that are not just culturally authentic but also universally compelling, transforming the vast quantity of Indian content into a strategically designed force for global cultural influence.

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